八十八年度語文測驗（請將下列英文陳述翻譯成中文）
１.	Beijing policy makers are deeply worried. China could fall into the same trap that snared Japan: The government tries to reignite spending, but the banks, riddled with bad loans, stop lending. Deflation becomes unstoppable, and the consumer economy grinds to a halt. To get at least some growth, the authorities are forced to devalue the yuan. Meanwhile, social unrest could pose a serious threat. This year marks the 10th anniversary of the bloody night at Tiananmen Square, as well as the 50th anniversary of the founding of the People's Republic. Celebrants can easily turn into demonstrators if they're angry enough and poor enough. With these threats looming, Zhu Rongji has quietly set aside much of his politically destabilizing reform plan. He is also engineering a crackdown on the provinces, shutting down heavily indebted, corrupt investment trusts and sealing the exits for any Chinese company that wants to ship money out of the country. (30%)
２.	China today is also driven by a desire to be treated as a major power commensurate with its growing economic and military clout. Yet in many ways China remains a reluctant participant in the international system, unwilling or slow to accept the responsibilities that go with being a regional or global power. Steeped in a political environment of isolation and distrust of the outside world. China's current leaders are only slowly recognizing that China has an interest in conforming to international standards. If China wants to influence international norms, it must participate actively and responsibly in their formulation-and in their observance. As China develops its interactions with its East Asian and Pacific neighbors, much attention will be focused on the People's Liberation Army. Modernization of the military ranked fourth among the "Four Modernizations" that Deng announced in 1978. The PLA chafed under a tight budget and has looked to extra-budgetary activities to supplement on-line funding. Since 1989 the PLA has benefited from more generous funding but, when adjusted for inflation, the actual increase has been unimpressive. Last year's nominal increase was 12.7 percent-six percent after inflation-with much of it devoted to a salary increase. Estimates of actual defense expenditures vary widely, but a credible figure is about three percent of GNP or, in absolute terms, less than Japan. (30%)
３.	The objectives of this study are twofold: 1) to analyze the potentials of East Asian countries in setting the new order in the region, complete with an evaluation of possible ranking in their relative importance, based primarily on their respective economic performance of the past, present, and more importantly potentials during the twenty-first century and beyond, and 2) to assess the likelihood of a regional union based on cooperation and understanding for the common good of all involved. One of the highlights is the focus on the rise and role of China in tipping off the formerly balanced power structure that features only the United States and Japan. While the United States is a presence in East Asia that is a "parachuting" force from outside of "the region," Japan has endeavored to maintain its leading role with much difficulty in recent years. Since the economic reform programs initiated in the late 1970s China has strenghtened its economic performance by leaps and bounds for at least fifteen years. Its economic achievements have brought the unavoidable desire on the part of the Chinese for the recognition by and respect of other countries. No matter how reluctant other countries may be, including the United States and Japan, they have had to reckon that, with the rise of China, East Asia must go through the process of rearranging the geo-political hierarchy to take into account of the influence of China in setting regional disputes or determining the common goal(40%)